This piece was published on Australian Policy History on April 10, 2026
In the past few weeks a new report was released by the Asia-Pacific Development Diplomacy and Defence Dialogue (AP4D) – Education as a Tool of Statecraft. I read the report as I transited in Brisbane on my way home from some work in Papua New Guinea, right in the education as statecraft wheelhouse. I have been thinking about education as statecraft and soft power since I began working in international education in 2005. The role that education, and scholarships especially, play in Australia’s foreign policy has been a research and practice focus of mine for two decades. So, I am always excited to see this conversation move into a more mainstream foreign policy lane, and see reports like this supported by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT).
The report outlines how the education sector is often overlooked as a tool of diplomacy and ‘a domestic asset that underpins the foundations of national power’. AP4D spoke to over 100 experts and practitioners for this report. It outlines opportunities – such as the use of technology and taking advantage of volatile markets, and puts forward a vision for the future where education is understood as a ‘central pillar of how Australia engages with the world.’ If its contents are read in Departments across Canberra (and in State capitals as well) that would be a good thing.
However, the report doesn’t give Australian universities, and Australian governments, a clear road map for capitalising on the potential of Australian education as statecraft. The potential for education as statecraft is not being met because of the wider decisions universities and governments are making around the tertiary sector in Australia. We can talk about the opportunities, but we also need to see the barriers so we can remove them. There are three key barriers missing from the AP4D report: casualisation, racism, and costs.
Casualisation
It is an oft noted statistic that around 70% of university teaching in Australia is undertaken by casuals. Changes to legislation in 2024 were intended to remedy this situation, but it is clear that universities continue to rely on casuals or teachers on short term contracts for the bulk of teaching. This was, is, and will continue to be a massive risk for the sector. The APFD report notes that having a ‘world-class’ education sector is an ‘asset that Australia can leverage as a world leader.’ However, their framing is focused on rankings, rather than on teaching outcomes or quality of experience. As a former casual lecturer and tutor, I had to explain to my students that my working conditions (no paid time for student consultations, preparation and marking time determined by illegal ‘piece rates’) were their learning conditions. If we want the Australian education sector to be world-leading, and to provide domestic and international students excellent learning and research environments, we need to think about the models of employment we are continuing to use in campuses across the country. Any student is at risk of getting lost in a large tutorial, and those with English as a second language is more at risk. Tutors and teachers struggle to foster engagement between students in these larger classes, reducing opportunities for the development of connections between domestic and international students, which should, and could be an important element of the development of the vision described by the AP4D report. Classroom sizes, staff time and student experience are fundamental to making the most of this statecraft potential.
Racism
Around the same time the AP4D report was released, the Australian Human Rights Commission also released a report – Respect at Uni: Study into antisemitism, Islamophobia, racism and the experience of First Nations People. The Race Discrimination Commissioner noted in the foreword that racism is ‘deeply entrenched in university policies and practices.’ The report goes on to note that ‘Racism remains a significant barrier to equity and inclusion in Australian universities, affecting both staff and students, and undermining the sector’s commitment to academic excellence and social responsibility.’ There is evidence in the HRC report of direct and indirect racism, from staff and fellow student. These stories are difficult, but important to read, for example an Indian student who was accused of using AI because their professor ‘could not believe and Indian could write that good in the first year of nursing.’ If we are not addressing racism on campuses, and in our communities, we are not creating an environment where students from diverse backgrounds will feel comfortable to study and contribute.
Visa costs
Over the past few years the Australian government has increased the visa costs for international students (as of July 2025 it is now $2000), and in the last few weeks they have doubled the cost of a Temporary Graduate visa, from $2,300 to $4,600! These increases come along with other policy settings that are sending significant messages to the world that Australia is not, in fact, that keen on having international students in Australia. A survey conducted in 2025 found that international students considering Australia as a destination were sensitive to visa and changes to policy settings, highlighting that these changes have real world implications for students and their families.
Why is the Australian government sending such confused and confusing messages when it comes to education as a tool of statecraft?
It is the outcome of a significant structural problem that has plagued the international education sector in Australia? since the end of the Second World War. No one government department is actually responsible for international education. Instead, decision-making is spread across different departments with different agendas and priorities.
The AP4D report was supported by DFAT, the visa decision is made by the Department of Immigration, and the Human Rights Commission is a statutory body. Many decisions about universities and other educational institutions are made by the Department of Education. The Australian Trade Commission (Austrade) is responsible for marketing Australian education around the world, and we will soon have the Australian Tertiary Education Commission playing an (as yet unclear) role in international education, along with it’s overall regulatory role.
The overlapping of responsibilities across government departments has confused decision-making in international education policy for decades, as became clear as I researched my book. I delved further into this inter-departmental conflict as I researched at the National Library of Australia, where I undertook a Fellowship in 2025. Disconnects were most obvious in the postwar era, during the White Australia Policy. The Department of External Affairs made efforts toward education as statecraft, with Australia’s first government funded international scholarship program, originally known as the South East Asia Scholarship Scheme, agreed to by Cabinet in 1948. These efforts were undermined because of Australia’s reputation in the region. One international student, Kwong Wai Hou, noted in 1961 that ‘most Asian students studying in Australia…hesitate to make friends with the Australians because they are in doubt whether at all, they are welcomed in this country. There is the White Australia Policy and other unjust discriminations against colour [sic] people in general in the world today.’
Efforts have continued over the decades to encourage students to come to Australia, and policy changes in the 1980s explicitly shifted the international education program to a money making enterprise, but fees, visa charges and heavy-handed immigration actions continued to confuse the messages about the ‘welcoming’ Australia and ‘tarnish its international image.’
The Australia Awards, which continue today, are highlighted by the AP4D report as an existing element of Australia’s education statecraft toolkit. But as the policy makers in the late 1940s found, efforts at framing Australia as a welcoming destination can be frustrated by confusing and changing visa conditions, concerns over racism on campus and an inability to work in a coordinated fashion across government departments.
What can be done about this fundamental disconnect? Inter-departmental committees and (with all respect to The Hon. Julian Hill), Ministers for International Education have not managed to fix these problems to date. It is a whole of system issue. Fixes to the educational system cannot be for only international students, but improvements to the system – by making it more secure, respectful, and affordable – will benefit all students. As the AP4D report notes, respecting the education sector for ‘its essential role in building Australia’s sovereign capabilities’ is a worthwhile vision for the future.